Qassim Soleimani's death has prompted questions about Iran’s ability to retaliate against the U.S. outside the Middle East. Iran and Hezbollah have spent the past several decades establishing international bases of operations—particularly in Latin America and Western Africa.
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The U.S. and its allies would do well to prepare for heightened cyber activity from Iran. But they would do better to prepare for military force more.
In the wake of Qassem Soleimani’s death, the global threat posed by Iran and its proxies to Americans creates a somewhat novel challenge for the Diplomatic Security Service, the law enforcement arm of the U.S. Department of State.
What's done is done. The United States needs to set priorities for what comes next.
The United States—through presidential aggrandizement, as well as congressional delegation and acquiescence—has given the president discretion to use force in ways that can easily lead to a massive war.
New Delhi is looking for a way to deescalate tensions between two important partners.
The Soleimani strike was likely within the president’s domestic legal authority to pursue. But in certain ways, it may push that authority’s limits.
Sen. Tim Kaine (D-VA) has introduced a Senate resolution under the War Powers Resolution directing "the President to remove United States Armed Forces from hostilities against the Islamic Republic of Iran or any part of its government or military" within 30 days of the enactment of the resolution.
The American drone strike last night that killed Qassem Soleimani, the commander of the Iranian Quds Force, is a seismic event in U.S.-Iranian relations—and for the broader Middle East. We put together an emergency podcast, drawing on the resources of both Lawfare and the Brookings Institution and reflecting the depth of the remarkable collaboration between the two.
In Iraq, the Trump administration’s military response to a fatal attack on U.S. personnel has triggered a new political crisis. The U.S.-Iraq relationship may not escape unscathed.