When he was first appointed, many, including me, were willing to give Attorney General Barr the benefit of the doubt. His recent performance raises significant questions about his fidelity to the rule of law.
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Editor’s Note: Below are the executive summaries of the two volumes of Special Counsel Robert Mueller's final report. Volume I deals with links between Russia and the Trump campaign, while Volume II deals with potential obstruction of justice by President Trump. This article is available in audio format on the Lawfare Podcast: Special Edition:
Barr’s letter contains good news for the president, but it also raises ominous questions that only Mueller’s report can answer.
There is a tendency to think of impeachable offenses as like landmines: If the president steps on one, then it explodes and he suffers the consequences. This is the wrong way to think about impeachments.
Michael Cohen’s prepared testimony alleges that Donald Trump knew in advance that WikiLeaks would release DNC emails.
The Senate has a responsibility to do so—but not an express constitutional obligation. And in a time of disregard for established institutional practice and norms, the current leadership of the Senate could choose to abrogate them once more.
What’s most troubling about the story is what it seems to say about the FBI and its leadership.
Between Friday’s New York Times story and other earlier material, we might be in a position to revisit the relationship between the “collusion” and obstruction components of the Mueller investigation.
The record is clear: The president lied, citing Justice Department data that do not exist, and the Justice Department released a report designed to be as suggestive of that lie as possible without repeating it.
On Friday, the D.C. Circuit lifted a preliminary injunction against the Trump administration's restriction on military service by transgender people. The full ruling is below.