Latest in Trade and Security
Do the FTC’s longstanding conflict-of-interest rules unnecessarily impede the agency’s ability to attract, retain and deploy technical expertise that it badly needs?
As the Biden administration reconsiders the role of industrial policy in the U.S. economy, it will need to ask whether the United States should follow WTO rules even if it believes they cannot be enforced against others.
New and emerging technologies have given rise to new issues that the current system of international economic law is ill equipped to address.
Even without Congressional action, there are structural and policy steps the FTC can undertake to increase its reach and effectiveness.
An old trade statute could help the U.S. foreclose inadvertent domestic demand for goods made with forced labor. But the statute must be revised to accomplish that goal.
The Trump administration has recently taken a series of actions aimed at addressing vulnerabilities in supply chains for critical minerals—materials that are scarce and yet crucial for economic and national security.
As the White House’s tariffs on steel and aluminum have shown, a U.S. president has all the authority he or she needs to impose a carbon border tax.
Trade authorities delegated to the president by Congress represent two distinct approaches to trade—a primary tariff-lowering approach and a secondary security-premised tariff-raising approach.
The administration’s change in the export regime of small arms has gone into effect, except for the rules relating to the blueprints for 3-D weapons. A federal district judge in Seattle temporarily blocked that switch.
Lawfare’s biweekly roundup of U.S.-China technology policy news.