The National Archive has released the famed—and long mysterious—Watergate “Road Map,” which Special Prosecutor sent to Congress in 1974.
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Once the midterms are past, Americans can resume their reveries about a hypothetical report from the special counsel’s office. There’s no telling how much Robert Mueller knows, but onlookers can speculate about how much the country is likely to find out and how it’s likely to do so. A Mueller Report? A Rosenstein Report? An Impeachment Report? All three?
One month ago, the three of us filed a petition in the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia for the release of the so-called “Watergate Road Map”—one of the last great still-secret Watergate documents. Last week, Chief Judge Beryl Howell, acting in a separate case, ordered the document’s release.
In a confidential letter following the Saturday Night Massacre, Special Prosecutor Archibald Cox made a remarkable proposal—a vision for a sort of Monday Afternoon Resurrection. Cox’s letter, discovered for the first time in a manuscript collection in the Library of Congress, ranks among the odder legal arcana of the Watergate scandal.
According to countless media accounts and President Trump’s own lawyers, Special Counsel Robert Mueller is writing some
Lawfare is pleased to announce the publication of a new paper in the Lawfare Research Paper Series: The Art of the Cover Up: Watergate, by Philip B. Heymann, law professor at Harvard Law School and former Deputy Attorney General in the Clinton administration.
From the abstract:
The most important book ever written on presidential impeachment is only 69 pages long. Charles Black, Jr.,’s Impeachment: A Handbook was published in the summer of 1974, at the height of the Watergate crisis, and reissued in October 1998, two months before Bill Clinton became the second president in U.S. history to be impeached.
Andrew Kent argues that in light of President Trump’s attempts to influence the FBI investigation into his campaign’s Russia connections, and his firing of James Comey, Congress should consider giving the director of the FBI greater independence by making him removable only for cause—and with any removal potentially subject to judicial review.
The news of the last several days may leave any number of factual questions unanswered, but even clearer than before are the sweep and character of the extraordinary difficulties facing this current Administration.
The U.S. intelligence community is on the verge of a crisis of confidence and legitimacy it has not experienced since the 1970s. Back then, the crisis was one of the community’s own behavior. In the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s the intelligence community used its secret powers of surveillance and other forms of government coercion—often but not always at the behest of its political superiors—to spy on and engage in operations against Americans for political ends.