Latest in Sanctions
Fault Lines welcomes Rich Goldberg, former Director for Countering Iranian Weapons of Mass Destruction for the White House National Security Council, to discuss U.S.-Iranian Policy. Rich laid out the policy of the current administration in a recent op-ed in the New York Times.
Yes, but that doesn’t mean it’s a good idea.
The reapplication of U.S. secondary sanctions measures following the American withdrawal from the Iran nuclear deal has been at the heart of current challenges facing the nuclear deal.
How effective are sanctions in Africa? The Sentry recommends ways to make the foreign policy tool more effective in the continent.
Editor’s Note: U.S. influence in Iraq, uneven in the best of times, often suffers from a lack of leverage. As a result, the United States has found it harder to counter Iran’s influence, fight terrorism, improve governance or achieve other goals. Douglas Ollivant of New America finds a new bright spot in the U.S. effort. By using the Magnitsky Act, designed to counter corruption and human rights abuses, the United States is discrediting some of the country’s worst actors and thus indirectly empowering local U.S. allies.
Daniel Byman
Editor’s Note: This article originally appeared on Order from Chaos.
The United States has long promised to ensure trade in humanitarian goods for countries under its economic sanctions. For this reason, each U.S. country-based sanctions program has carved out exceptions that secured food and medicine so as to limit potential catastrophic effects on civilian populations.
The United States has taken several escalatory steps in recent months to suspend delivery of F-35 fighter jets to Turkey, currently scheduled for November 2019. On Feb. 15, the Consolidated Appropriations Act of 2019 (§ 7046) restricted funding for the delivery of F-35s to Turkey absent a report on Turkey’s pending purchase of Russian S-400 missiles, due by November 2019.
Editor’s Note: This article originally appeared on Order from Chaos.
On April 8, the Trump administration designated the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) as a foreign terrorist organization (FTO) under Section 219 of the Immigration and Nationality Act. A few days earlier, the administration had made good on its threat to impose sanctions on officials of the International Criminal Court (ICC) involved in the examination of U.S. actions in Afghanistan and Israeli actions in other contexts. As part of this effort, it revoked the U.S. visa of Fatou Bensouda, the ICC’s chief prosecutor.