There is more to be said for Robert Mueller’s obstruction of justice theory than Mueller said in his report.
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The text of the special counsel’s detailed, damning report is rightfully receiving much attention. Most analysis has nevertheless failed to appreciate the narrow channel Robert Mueller needed to navigate when crafting this report—and just how deftly he managed to do so.
The completion of the Mueller investigation is no small democratic accomplishment and was not a foregone conclusion in an environment in which the president has repeatedly sought to smear and frustrate the investigation.
The criminality alleged in this story is—if true—unsubtle and unambiguous, directly related to the president’s conduct as president and concerning matters of great import.
There’s no inconsistency between attorney general nominee William Barr’s apparent high regard for Robert Mueller and Barr’s unwillingness to promise the release of a Mueller report.
What Mueller may do and when should the public know it.
There are reasons to be cautious about the 49 questions that Special Counsel Robert Mueller wishes to pose to President Trump in an interview, as the New York Times reported Monday evening.
McCarthy's weekly column responds to my recent Lawfare post. Here's why I'm very unconvinced by McCarthy's response.
In an interview with the New York Times, President Trump yesterday issued a stunning vote of no-confidence in basically everyone currently in a leadership position in the Justice Department, the FBI, or the special counsel’s office.
How can the Acting Attorney General delegate a counterintelligence investigation, as opposed to a criminal investigation, to the Special Counsel?