Pakistan’s two newest political disrupters could not be more different. Here’s why that matters.
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A more transactional policy has brought advantages, but will have limits in the longer term.
Despite tensions with the Trump administration, Pakistan has become an important intermediary in negotiations with the Taliban.
Tens of thousands of protesters are rallying against the Pakistani military's operations in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas.
Musharraf's sentence is caught in the competition between the government, the military, and the judiciary.
On Feb. 14, a suicide bombing in the Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir killed more than 40 members of Indian paramilitary forces—the deadliest terrorist attack in Kashmir’s history.
Pakistan confronts a new type of extremist threat: one that challenges state institutions without rejecting the state itself.
Secretary of State Mike Pompeo argued last month that there was “no rationale” for allowing the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to divert “tax dollars” to Pakistan, since the IMF members’ funding, including that of the United States, would be used to bail out “China’s bondholders or China itself.” Pakistan is going through a grave financial crisis.
A review of Arundhati Roy's novel, The Ministry of Utmost Happiness (Knopf, 2017).
Editor’s Note: Making other countries more effective U.S. security partners is a vital part of counterterrorism, counterinsurgency and U.S. foreign policy in general. Yet it seems to fail often, and support for such aid appears to be declining. Part of the problem may be in how the United States does such assistance. Stephen Tankel of American University and Melissa Dalton of the Center for Strategic and International Studies argue that the United States should reverse its traditional approach.