Amidst the chaos of U.S. and Israeli politics, it may be difficult to remember that less than four weeks ago President Trump tweeted that he had reached an agreement with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to discuss a mutual defense treaty between the United States and Israel. The idea of such a treaty has come up time and again over the years. The U.S.
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In a new Washington Quarterly article titled “Presidential Alliance Powers,” we wrestle with a subject that has become familiar in these pages: the chief executive’s ability to dismantle American alliances. We argue that although many Trump foreign policy critics worry that his disdain for American alliances such as NATO might lead him to withdraw the United States, the more subtle, probable and already-manifest danger is that he weakens U.S. alliances from within.
Lately, Huawei has been a recurrent flashpoint in U.S.-China relations. The arrest in Canada of Meng Wanzhou, Huawei’s chief financial officer and daughter of its founder, Ren Zhengfei, over allegations of bank fraud and sanctions violations has provoked intense controversy since early December.
The meeting between President Trump and President Xi Jinping at the G20 summit in Buenos Aires kicked off a slew of activity on the trade war front. On Dec. 1, the two leaders agreed to a 90-day truce during which the United States would delay plans to increase tariffs to 25 percent from ten percent on $200 billion worth of Chinese imports.
On Dec. 5, news broke that Canadian authorities had arrested the chief financial officer of Chinese telecom-equipment company Huawei at the request of the United States. The U.S.
Earlier this fall, Congress enacted a new law with potentially dramatic implications for U.S. foreign policy toward the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The Anti-Terrorism Clarification Act (ATCA) exposes foreign organizations that accept certain forms of U.S. foreign assistance to the possibility of terrorism-related civil litigation in U.S. federal courts.
The Japanese Constitution was long understood as prohibiting the exercise of international law’s right of collective self-defense under all circumstances. Until just a few years ago, the government’s view had been that the Constitution’s war-renouncing clause, Article 9, permitted only the use of minimum necessary force to defend the territory and population of Japan—not other countries.
At the ASEAN Regional Forum on Aug.
For many who follow developments in the South China Sea, the July 2016 tribunal ruling in the Philippines’ case against China has become the equivalent of the birth of Jesus in the Gregorian calendar: Developments are considered B.A. and A.A.—Before Award and After Award.
In the first year after the award, compliance was fair: Beijing largely kept its actions, if not its words, within the letter of the ruling.
If one defines technology as anything that extends human capability, it takes only a short logical leap to conclude that nearly any advantage in technological capability over a competitor entails potential military advantage over that competitor.