Trump’s acquittal made clear that the bar for convicting ex-officials is higher—but not insuperable. More than two-thirds of the Senate left the door open to convict ex-officials in the future.
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Read alongside one another, these clauses can lead to striking and provocative conclusions.
House Republicans urged the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit to reverse the district court’s dismissal of their legal challenge to the House’s proxy voting system during oral argument on Nov. 2.
Judge Rudolph Contreras held that the Constitution’s Speech or Debate Clause bars House Republicans’ challenge to the constitutionality of the House of Representatives’ proxy voting system.
Acting Secretary of Homeland Security Chad Wolf is serving in his position unlawfully. On Aug. 6, the Senate will have an opportunity to ask him about it.
The Presidential Succession Act is a disaster waiting to happen.
In speeches sounding the alarm about “toxic” precedent, Sen. Mitch McConnell has set forth a questionable view of the law of impeachment with serious implications for the future of this constitutional remedy.
Then-Rep. Gerald Ford once defined an impeachable offense as “whatever a majority of the House of Representatives considers it to be at a given moment in history.” But legal scholars have concluded that impeachment is considerably more law-governed, and constrained, than Ford suggested. They draw on clues from the Founders, the text and structure of the Constitution, and the history of presidential impeachments (and near-impeachments) to make varying arguments about the impeachment power and the range of impeachable offenses.
Much has been written about the Trump administration’s broad understanding of the scope of executi