The protests ignited by the police killing of George Floyd have put a spotlight on the legal doctrine of qualified immunity—one of many structural factors that makes it difficult to hold police officers accountable for wrongdoing.
If, after careful review, the judge finds that the government’s motion to dismiss the case against Michael Flynn is tainted, he has a duty to deny that motion.
Recently declassified material sheds new light on what the FBI knew about some information in the Steele dossier. But despite the suggestions of Sens. Chuck Grassley and Ron Johnson, it doesn’t discredit the Mueller investigation.
The Trump administration’s declarations have utilized some of the federal government’s emergency powers to address the coronavirus outbreak. But what other powers remain untapped?
The Washington Post reported recently that ICE has accessed a Maryland facial recognition database, which includes photographs of undocumented immigrants who obtained special driver’s licenses.
In a federal prosecution for armed bank robbery, a defendant challenges a geofence warrant.
Then-Rep. Gerald Ford once defined an impeachable offense as “whatever a majority of the House of Representatives considers it to be at a given moment in history.” But legal scholars have concluded that impeachment is considerably more law-governed, and constrained, than Ford suggested. They draw on clues from the Founders, the text and structure of the Constitution, and the history of presidential impeachments (and near-impeachments) to make varying arguments about the impeachment power and the range of impeachable offenses.