Liability for insecure software is already a reality. The question is whether Congress will step in to give it shape and a coherent legal structure.
In September, I identified four myths that dog discussions about presidential impeachment. Perhaps the most persistent and surprisingly consequential of these myths is the notion that impeachment and removal decisions amount to pure politics, as opposed to a set of legal determinations made by a political branch.
Discussing the viability of launching a formal impeachment inquiry against President Donald Trump is like driving a racecar around a decaying track. The exercise is equal parts furious and tedious, sure to jolt over the same potholes again and again.
Last Tuesday, the New York Times published a foggy story noting that Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell "has mused about whether Mr. Trump will be in a position to lead the Republican Party into next year’s elections and beyond."
The Justice Department is fighting for information on all of the visitors to the website disruptj20.org, as well as log files on when and from where the visitors logged onto the site, what they looked at, and emails related to the site. The site at the center of the storm bills itself as a platform connecting Trump protesters and "support[ing] the massive and spontaneous eruption of resistance across the United States that’s happened since the election."
What does the world look like today if you’re Robert Mueller?
You’ve got a huge, sprawling, immeasurably complicated job, and the President of the United States has just put you on notice of what you already have long suspected: You may not have much time.
The most important book ever written on presidential impeachment is only 69 pages long. Charles Black, Jr.,’s Impeachment: A Handbook was published in the summer of 1974, at the height of the Watergate crisis, and reissued in October 1998, two months before Bill Clinton became the second president in U.S. history to be impeached.