States are the first line of defense in election-related disputes. But will they be able to prevent a constitutional crisis?
Eric Halliday is a student at Harvard Law School. Before law school, Eric worked for two years at Mintz Levin, where he focused on white collar, anti-money laundering, and pro bono domestic violence matters. He graduated from Tufts University with a B.A. in Political Science and Italian Studies.
Subscribe to this Lawfare contributor via RSS.
In the weeks following protests over the police killing of George Floyd, the federal government brought more than 120 different cases against protestors for a range of crimes—many concerning relatively minor offenses.
National Guard troops and federal law enforcement were deployed across the nation’s capital without the consent of the city—a reminder of the unique relationship between Washington, D.C., and the federal government.
The move would allow the president to implement several criminal and financial penalties against those groups and their members—but the measures will not necessarily help the federal government combat the cartels.
The administration’s change in the export regime of small arms has gone into effect, except for the rules relating to the blueprints for 3-D weapons. A federal district judge in Seattle temporarily blocked that switch.
Every state has reported cases of coronavirus infection. But what power do these states have to order compulsory quarantine of infected or exposed persons?
Qassim Soleimani's death has prompted questions about Iran’s ability to retaliate against the U.S. outside the Middle East. Iran and Hezbollah have spent the past several decades establishing international bases of operations—particularly in Latin America and Western Africa.